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Édito de Amboise, 18 de março de 1563

Édito de Amboise, 18 de março de 1563


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Édito de Amboise, 18 de março de 1563

O Édito de Amboise (18 de março de 1563) encerrou a Primeira Guerra da Religião (1562-63) e concedeu aos huguenotes tolerância legal e um direito limitado de pregar em locais estritamente limitados.

O édito foi aprovado muito rapidamente na primeira parte de março de 1563. Em 18 de fevereiro, o duque de Boise foi mortalmente ferido no cerco de Orleans, morrendo em 24 de fevereiro. Isso significava que três dos quatro líderes católicos originais na guerra estavam mortos e o quarto, o duque Anne de Montmorency, era um prisioneiro. Da mesma forma, o líder huguenote sênior, Luís de Condé, era um prisioneiro. Em 8 de março, os dois homens foram libertados e as negociações de paz foram organizadas por Catarina de Médicis. Os termos de paz foram acordados muito rapidamente e emitidos como o Édito de Amboise.

De acordo com os termos do Édito de Amboise, o culto huguenote era permitido nas cidades onde existia em 7 de março de 1563, exceto em Paris, onde permanecia ilegal. Além disso, o rei deveria selecionar uma cidade em cada bailiwick na França onde a adoração huguenote fosse permitida em um subúrbio, todos os cavalheiros que exerciam feudos sob baixa ou mesquinha justiça poderiam ter pregação em suas próprias casas e todos os nobres que mantivessem feudos com alta justiça poderiam ter pregado em suas propriedades. Cada indivíduo tinha liberdade de consciência em sua própria casa, mesmo nas cidades onde o culto público aos huguenotes era proibido.

O édito foi menos generoso do que o de janeiro de 1562. No édito anterior, os huguenotes tinham permissão de pregar em qualquer parte do campo durante o dia, mas agora estavam restritos a um número limitado de subúrbios e propriedades de nobres protestantes.

Além disso, todas as propriedades confiscadas de qualquer uma das igrejas deveriam ser restauradas e todos os religiosos ou prisioneiros de guerra deveriam ser libertados.

Demorou algum tempo para a paz ser ratificada. O Parlamento de Paris recusou a princípio, assim como Rouen, Dijon e Toulouse, mas por fim o tratado foi geralmente aceito e quatro anos de paz se seguiram.


Conspiração de Amboise

Nossos editores irão revisar o que você enviou e determinar se o artigo deve ser revisado.

Conspiração de Amboise, conspiração abortada de jovens aristocratas huguenotes franceses em 1560 contra a Casa Católica de Guise.

Com a ascensão de Francisco II, de 14 anos, ao trono francês em 1559, a família Guise ganhou ascendência no governo, criando inimizade entre a nobreza menor. Uma conspiração para derrubar seu governo foi formada em Nantes, com um nobre Périgord necessitado chamado La Renaudie como seu chefe nominal, embora a agitação tivesse sido inicialmente fomentada pelos agentes de Luís I de Bourbon, príncipe de Condé. Os Guises foram avisados ​​da conspiração enquanto a corte estava em Blois e, para maior segurança, removeram o rei para Amboise. La Renaudie, porém, apenas adiou seus planos, e os conspiradores se reuniram em pequenos grupos na floresta em torno de Amboise. No entanto, eles foram novamente traídos e muitos deles foram cercados e capturados antes que o golpe pudesse ser dado em 19 de março de 1560. La Renaudie e o resto dos conspiradores atacaram abertamente o castelo de Amboise. Foram repelidos, La Renaudie foi morta e um grande número feito prisioneiros.

Os Guises exerceram vingança impiedosa. Durante uma semana, as torturas, quartéis e enforcamentos continuaram, os corpos sendo jogados no Loire. Os Guises convocaram ainda uma comissão especial para julgar Condé, que foi condenado à morte, mas o caso foi adiado pelo chanceler, e a morte de Francisco II em dezembro salvou Condé.


O castelo de Amboise na época dos acontecimentos.


Um grupo de aristocratas provincianos decidiu fazer justiça com as próprias mãos, sequestrando o rei e prendendo os irmãos Guise. O chefe dos conspiradores era Godefroy de Barry, seigneur de La Renaudie, de Périgord.

La Renaudie reuniu-se em torno dele cavalheiros huguenotes afins representando várias regiões da França: Charles de Castelnau de Chalosse, Bouchard d'Aubeterre, Edme de Ferrière-Maligny, Capitães Mazères, Cañizares, Sainte-Marie e Lignières, Jean d'Aubigné (pai de Agrippa d'Aubigné) e Ardoin de Porcelet. Paulon de Mauvans, cujo irmão havia sido executado, reuniu os huguenotes da Provença em Mérindol, em 12 de fevereiro de 1560, prometeu 2.000 homens e enviou 100 para Nantes. & # 911 & # 93 Gaspard de Coligny, mais tarde também um importante huguenote, desencorajou os nobres da Normandia de se envolverem na trama. Protestante de liderança burguês de Orléans, Tours e Lyon foram informados dos desenvolvimentos.

Nessas circunstâncias, rumores cada vez mais específicos sobre a conspiração chegaram ao cardeal de Lorraine com bastante antecedência. Em 12 de fevereiro, um relatório detalhado foi recebido por meio de Pierre des Avenelles, advogado de Paris. No dia 22, os Guises decidiram transferir o rei e a corte de Blois para o castelo de Amboise, um local mais defensável, e fortaleceram as defesas do castelo.

Os conspiradores adiaram seu plano de ação de 1 ° para 16 de março, mas o primeiro contingente dos conspiradores chegou cedo ao vilarejo e foi detido discretamente a partir de 10 de março.


Eventos

O imperador romano declara que as crianças abandonadas na igreja não podem ser reclamadas. A assinatura do bispo é necessária para testemunhar que a igreja recebeu a criança.

Autoridade para a data: Wisconsin Lutheran College, Imperial Laws e Lett

Por ordem de um superior, Antônio de Pádua (Fernando de Bouillon), prega seu primeiro e poderoso sermão, fruto de muita reflexão.

Autoridade para a data: Stoddard, Charles Warren. O Milagroso de Pádua. Notre Dame, IN: The Ave Maria, 1896.

O Édito de Amboise concede uma permissão limitada para o exercício da religião protestante na França.

Autoridade para a data: Grandes Homens e Mulheres Famosas.

William Allen, chefe exilado dos católicos romanos da Inglaterra, exorta o rei Filipe II da Espanha por carta a empreender uma invasão da Inglaterra e declara que os católicos de lá clamam para que ele castigue a rainha Elizabeth, & ldquoado por Deus e pelos homens. & Rdquo

Autoridade para a data: & ldquoAllen, William. & Rdquo Os Cardeais da Santa Igreja Romana. www.fiu.edu/

Sophia Olelkovich Raziwell morreu, a última descendente da dinastia Olelkovich-Slutsk. Apaixonada pela ortodoxia, ela se recusou a se converter ao catolicismo e obteve uma lei que permitia aos proprietários de terras da região (atual Bielo-Rússia) permanecerem ortodoxos. Por causa de seus esforços, a região ao redor de Slutsk se tornará um bastião da Ortodoxia, e em 1983 ela será canonizada pela Igreja Ortodoxa.

Autoridade para a data: http://womenshistory.about.com/

Morte em Helmstadt, Alemanha, de Georg Calixtus, que foi o perpetuador mais influente da teologia luterana de Melanchthon no século XVII.

Autoridade para a data: Schaff, Philip. The Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge.

Morte em Longleat, Inglaterra, de Thomas Ken, notável em sua geração como um dos sete bispos que foram enviados à Torre de Londres por se recusarem a publicar a Declaração de Indulgência do rei Jaime II. Ele será lembrado pelas gerações seguintes como o autor da doxologia & ldquo Louvar a Deus, de quem todas as bênçãos fluem. & Rdquo

Autoridade para a data: http://www.hymnary.org/person/Ken_Thomas

Philip Doddridge foi ordenado ministro não-conformista na Inglaterra. Seu livro A Ascensão e o Progresso da Religião na Alma terá grande influência na conversão do estadista inglês William Wilberforce e muitos outros ao cristianismo evangélico.

Autoridade para a data: Hatfield, Edwin. Os Poetas da Igreja. Nova York: Anson Randolph & amp Company, 1884.

Henry Nott e outros missionários dirigem o primeiro serviço cristão já realizado no Taiti. A reunião acontece sob a cobertura de algumas árvores enormes com o rei do Taiti e muitos outros taitianos presentes.

Autoridade para a data: Harrison, Eugene Myers. & quotHerald of the Love of God in Tahiti. & quot Giants of the Missionary Trail.

Em Viena, acontece a primeira apresentação pública do oratório Creation de Franz Joseph Haydn & rsquos. Os ingressos foram vendidos com bastante antecedência. Um ensaio público e uma apresentação privada para a elite ocorreram quase um ano antes, também em Viena.

Autoridade para a data: Enciclopédias padrão.

O poeta americano William Cullen Bryant escreve seu hino de Natal & ldquoLook from Thy Sphere of Endless Day & rdquo para o qüinquagésimo aniversário da Igreja do Messias em Boston.

Autoridade para a data: Wells, Amos R. A Treasury of Hymn Stories. Baker, 1992.

Morte em Racine, Wisconsin, de James De Koven, sacerdote episcopal e líder do ritualismo anglicano.

Autoridade para a data: Papa, William C. Vida do reverente James de Koven. http://anglicanhistory.org/bios/dekoven/dekoven8.html

Charles Harrison Mason experimenta o batismo do Espírito Santo e o falar em línguas. Afro-americano, ele se tornará o fundador e chefe da Igreja de Deus em Cristo, Inc.

Autoridade para a data: Dicionário Biográfico de Evangélicos.

Na encíclica Divini redemptoris, o Papa Pio XI declara & ldquoNão haveria nem socialismo nem comunismo hoje se os governantes das nações não tivessem desprezado os ensinamentos e advertências materiais da Igreja. & Rdquo

Autoridade para a data: Divini redemptoris. www.vatican.va.

Os lithunianos fundam o The Chronicle, um jornal underground, para expor a crueldade soviética contra os cristãos católicos.

Autoridade para a data: Crônica da Igreja Católica na Lituânia. Brooklyn, Nova Iorque.

Após a divulgação de uma ligação sexual em 1980 com a secretária da igreja Jessica Hahn, Jim Bakker deixa o cargo de chefe do ministério PTL. Mais tarde, ele irá para a prisão sob a acusação de fraude financeira.


Tópicos semelhantes ou como Edict of Saint-Germain

Os tumultos de 1562 em Toulouse são uma série de eventos (ocorrendo principalmente no espaço de uma semana) que colocaram membros da Igreja Reformada da França (muitas vezes chamados de huguenotes) contra membros da Igreja Católica Romana em violentos confrontos que terminaram com a morte de entre 3.000–5.000 cidadãos da cidade francesa de Toulouse. Esses eventos exibem as tensões que logo explodiriam em plena guerra civil durante as Guerras Religiosas da França. Wikipedia

As guerras religiosas francesas foram um período prolongado de guerra e agitação popular entre católicos e huguenotes (protestantes reformados / calvinistas) no Reino da França entre 1562 e 1598. Estima-se que três milhões de pessoas morreram neste período de violência, fome ou doença naquela que é considerada a segunda guerra religiosa mais mortal da história europeia. Wikipedia

O Assassinato do Duque de Guise pelo huguenote Jean de Poltrot no Cerco de Orléans em 1563 representa um ponto crítico nas Guerras Religiosas da França. Seria o primeiro grande assassinato no que se tornaria uma rivalidade sangrenta entre as várias casas aristocráticas que veriam as mortes de Luís, Príncipe de Condé e o massacre do Dia de São Bartolomeu. Wikipedia

O assassinato de adoradores e cidadãos huguenotes em uma ação armada pelas tropas de Francisco, Duque de Guise, em Wassy, ​​França, em 1 de março de 1562. Identificado como o primeiro grande evento nas Guerras Religiosas da França. Wikipedia


Ala renascentista

Sucessor de Carlos VIII & # 8217, Luís XII construiu a ala renascentista em ângulo reto com a ala gótica.

François I gostava muito do Castelo de Amboise e acrescentou um andar superior à ala renascentista.

O grande patrono do Renascimento francês, de fato passou sua juventude e viveu lá durante os primeiros cinco anos de seu reinado.

Homem de prazer, luxo e beleza, o carismático rei trouxe prestígio a Amboise, onde deu abundantes festividades.

Protetor das Artes e Letras e homem culto e refinado, François I passou a vida rodeado pelas melhores mentes de sua época.

Ele, portanto, convidou Leonardo da Vinci a se mudar para o vizinho Clos Luçé.

O rei visitava regularmente o antigo artista, usando uma passagem secreta que liga o castelo a Le Clos Luçé.

Luís XIII legou o castelo a seu irmão Gaston d & # 8217Orléans, que passou a maior parte de sua vida conspirando contra seu próprio irmão!

Como retaliação, o rei enviou suas tropas que dispararam contra o castelo e tristemente destruíram as muralhas!

O Castelo de Amboise acabou retornando à Coroa Francesa.

No início do século 19, Napoleão I legou Amboise ao pobre Roger Ducros, um membro do governo do Diretório, que a transformou em uma pedreira!

Tudo o que resta, portanto, do castelo são os Logis du Roi, Asas góticas e renascentistas, Tour Heurtault na muralha e Chapelle St-Hubert.

Os apartamentos privados no andar superior da ala renascentista foram posteriormente redecorados em estilo imperial para Luís Filipe.

Jardins e terraços foram planejados no local dos antigos edifícios.

Eles possuem uma vista privilegiada do Loire e dos telhados da cidade medieval.

Diz-se que a Capela Gótica Flamboyant St-Hubert, construída em 1491 para Ann da Bretanha, abriga o túmulo de Leonardo da Vinci.

O Castelo de Amboise pertence à Fundação St-Louis, um consórcio fundado pelo Conde de Paris para preservar o patrimônio nacional francês.

Departamento de Indre-et-Loire
Coordenadas: Lat 47,413336 & # 8211 Long 0,985551

Fotos via Wikimedia Commons: Castelo visto da ponte & # 8211 lareira renascentista & # 8211 Castelo antes de 1579 & # 8211 Chapelle Saint-Hubert CC BY-SA 3.0

Conteúdo

A cidade é famosa pela mansão Clos Lucé, onde Leonardo da Vinci viveu (e finalmente morreu) a convite do Rei Francisco I da França, cujo Château d'Amboise, que domina a cidade, está localizado a apenas 500 e # 160m (1.640 pés ) longe. As ruas estreitas contêm alguns bons exemplos de casas de madeira.

Fora da cidade está o Pagode de Chanteloup, um pagode chinês de 44 e # 160 m (144,4 pés) de altura construído em 1775 pelo duque de Choiseul. O Pagoda tem sete níveis de altura, com cada nível um pouco menor que o anterior. Uma escada interior para alcançar todos os níveis está aberta ao público.

O Musée de la Poste (no Hotel Joyeuse) é um museu que traça a história do serviço de entrega postal.

Uma fonte do século 19, de John Oswald, de uma tartaruga encimada por um ursinho de pelúcia em frente ao local onde são realizados os mercados.

Nas margens do rio Loire


Édito de Amboise, 18 de março de 1563 - História


Desde a morte repentina do rei HENRI II., Na França, duas facções nobres disputaram a influência política, já que a facção Guise optou pelo catolicismo radical, a implementação intransigente da reforma tridentina, a outra facção calvinista, o caso assumiu o caráter de um religioso conflito (confessional). Em 1560, o rei FRANCIS II. morreu, sucedido por seu irmão CHARLES IX., uma criança de 10 anos sua mãe CATHERINE DE MEDICI tentou restaurar o controle real, seus seguidores compunham a terceira facção, moderadamente católica, mas não comprometida com a contra-reforma tridentina.

Em março de 1562, o duque FRANCIS DE GUISE, líder do partido católico radical, ordenou o MASSACRE DA VASSIA, o assassinato de huguenotes desarmados que naquela época frequentavam o serviço religioso. O evento marca o início da Primeira Guerra Huguenote. Em 16 de março, o duque Francisco entrou triunfante em Paris. Catarina de Médicis aliou-se ao duque de Guise e o partido huguenote fez uma aliança com a Inglaterra (setembro). Orleans, mantida pelos huguenotes, foi sitiada. Em 19 de dezembro, o exército huguenote, liderado pelo CONDE e COLIGNY, foi derrotado pelo duque Francisco de MONTMORÊNCIA e suas forças católicas na BATALHA DE DREUX. Em 24 de fevereiro de 1563, o duque Francisco morreu devido aos ferimentos. O TRATADO DE AMBOISE de 19 de março de 1563 encerrou a guerra, garantindo aos huguenotes tolerância religiosa em seus redutos.


L'H & # xD4 PITAL (L'HOSPITAL), MICHEL DE

Estadista francês e defensor da tolerância religiosa b. Auvergne, perto de Aigueperse, 1507 d. Vignay, 13 de março de 1573. Seu pai era médico e também atuou como controlador de contas para Carlos de Bourbon. Sua educação inicial foi em Toulouse, até que foi forçado a fugir da França em 1523. Por seis anos, ele estudou direito em Pádua e depois se juntou a seu pai em Roma, onde atuou como auditor da rota. Após seu retorno à França em 1534, ele exerceu a advocacia e se casou em 1537. L'H & # xF4 pital foi nomeado conselheiro do Parlamento de Paris de 1537 a 1547. Em 1547, Henry ii o enviou a Bolonha como seu representante para a primeira sessão do Concílio de Trento. L'H & # xF4 pital retornou à França em 1548 e tornou-se chanceler da princesa Margaret, irmã do rei. Em 1553 foi nomeado mestre dos pedidos e em 1554 presidente do Chambre des Comptes. Em 1557 ele se tornou membro do conselho privado. Ele atingiu o auge de sua carreira quando, pela influência de catherine de m & # xC9 dicis, foi nomeado chanceler da França (1560). Ele serviu nesta posição durante um período de conflito religioso na França por causa da ascensão dos huguenotes.

Guerras de Religião. Em 1561, ele compareceu a uma reunião dos Estados Gerais para apelar a uma maior tolerância. O resultado foi a promulgação do Édito de Orl & # xE9 ans (1561) e do Édito de janeiro de 1562, que concedeu melhores condições para os huguenotes. Um massacre de huguenotes por soldados de Francisco, o duque de Guise, ocorreu em março de 1562. Em protesto, L'H & # xF4 pital retirou-se para suas propriedades em Vignay até que o conflito civil fosse encerrado pelo Édito de Amboise (março 1563), que protegia os direitos dos huguenotes. Após seu retorno ao tribunal, L'H & # xF4 pital comprometeu-se a fortalecer o governo de Catarina de M & # xE9 dicis. A seu pedido, o conselho real recusou-se a publicar os atos do Concílio de Trento por causa de seu conflito com as liberdades galicanas da Igreja francesa. Ele apoiou a posição do partido católico moderado em oposição à posição direitista de Guise. Em 1566, ele obteve a promulgação da Portaria de Moulin, que previa a reforma do judiciário. Nenhuma reforma adicional foi possível desde que as hostilidades religiosas estouraram novamente em 1567, e a influência de L'H & # xF4 pital começou a declinar. Catherine de M & # xE9 dicis culpou-o pelas políticas de moderação que ela havia apoiado, mas que seus críticos acreditavam responsáveis ​​pelo aumento dos conflitos religiosos. Com o início da segunda fase das guerras religiosas, as críticas às suas políticas aumentaram. O cardeal de Lorena, o duque de Alva e outros acusaram-no de apoiar os huguenotes. Em 1568, ele foi forçado a renunciar à sua posição como guardião dos selos como resultado da pressão papal. Em troca, a Cúria papal transferiu o controle de certas propriedades da Igreja para o governo francês. Pouco tempo depois, L'H & # xF4 pital retirou-se da vida pública, acreditando que sua saída do cargo era essencial para a paz da França, embora tecnicamente ele não renunciou à chancelaria até ser forçado a fazê-lo em fevereiro de 1573.

Late Life. L'H & # xF4 pital passou os últimos anos de sua vida recluso em Vignay. Aqui ele escreveu poemas e outros comentários curtos sobre sua época. Em 1570, ele dirigiu a Carlos IX um breve livro de memórias intitulado Le But de la guerre et de la paix, ou discours du chancelier l'Hospital pour exhorter Charles IX & # xE0 donner la paix & # xE0 ses sujets. Em 1585 um neto publicou outra de suas obras, intitulada Epistolarum seu sermonum libri sex.

Embora Michel de L'H & # xF4 pital tenha sido acusado de heresia em seu próprio tempo, ele permaneceu um católico praticante até o fim de sua vida. Seus inimigos o criticaram pela política de colocar o bem-estar da França acima do bem-estar de um único grupo. Catherine continuou a apoiar esta política por muitos anos após sua morte, apesar do fato de que ela foi responsável por sua queda do poder. Ele deplorou os excessos do massacre de st. o dia de Bartolomeu, que ocorreu menos de um ano antes de sua morte, e ele indicou isso em uma carta a Carlos IX.


Édito de Amboise, 18 de março de 1563 - História

Não é uma imagem muito precisa. Em FR, devemos evitar postar artigos que propositalmente apresentem alguns & # 8220fatos & # 8221 selecionados (alguns dos quais são bastante duvidosos) e deliberadamente omitir outros. O termo é polêmico, e o uso de polêmica está em conflito com o amor conservador e a busca pela verdade, onde quer que os fatos nos levem.

Como o Papa João Paulo II ensinou em Ut Unum Sint (1995) & # 8220. No entanto, além das diferenças doutrinárias que precisam ser resolvidas, os cristãos não podem subestimar o peso das dúvidas antigas herdadas do passado e dos mal-entendidos e preconceitos mútuos. Complacência, indiferença e conhecimento insuficiente um do outro muitas vezes pioram a situação. Consequentemente, o compromisso com o ecumenismo deve basear-se na conversão dos corações e na oração, o que levará também à necessária purificação das memórias passadas. Com a graça do Espírito Santo, os discípulos do Senhor, inspirados pelo amor, pelo poder da verdade e por um desejo sincero de perdão e reconciliação mútuos, são chamados a reexaminar juntos seu passado doloroso e a dor que aquele passado, infelizmente, continua a provocar até hoje. Todos juntos, são convidados pelo poder sempre novo do Evangelho a reconhecer com sincera e total objetividade os erros cometidos e os fatores contingentes em ação na origem de suas deploráveis ​​divisões. O que é preciso é uma visão calma, lúcida e verdadeira das coisas, uma visão vivificada pela misericórdia divina e capaz de libertar as mentes das pessoas e de inspirar em todos uma vontade renovada, precisamente com vista a anunciar o Evangelho aos homens e mulheres de todos os povos e nações. & # 8221

Por favor, preencha os fatos e indique onde você encontra os posts fatos dubios.

Era nisso que os huguenotes acreditavam.

Por que eles estavam dispostos a desistir de sua terra natal em vez de desistir de seu Salvador, Jesus Cristo, o Senhor.

É disso que se trata o cristianismo.

Ouça, observe e seja abençoado hoje.

Aqui está um bom resumo da perspectiva católica, da Enciclopédia Católica de 1917. Esta é uma ótima referência para os protestantes que buscam uma melhor compreensão do catolicismo e está disponível online em http://www.newadvent.org

O artigo sobre o protestantismo francês pode ser encontrado aqui, do qual a passagem abaixo é um excerto. Você verá que ele preenche muitos dos fatos omitidos pelo artigo que você postou e fornece algum contexto para alguns dos outros fatos. Eu acredito que este artigo é mais caridoso para com os protestantes POV do que o artigo que você postou é para o POV Católico, mas você pode tirar sua própria conclusão sobre este ponto. Em qualquer caso, espero sinceramente que este artigo proporcione algum equilíbrio e o ajude a compreender melhor este período da história.

A história do protestantismo francês pode ser dividida em quatro períodos bem definidos: (1) Um Período Militante, em que luta pela liberdade (1559-98) (2) o Período do Édito de Nantes (1598-1685) ( 3) o Período da Revolução à Revolução (1685-1800) (4) o Período da Revolução à Separação (1801-1905).
Período militante

A organização de sua disciplina e adoração deu aos huguenotes um novo poder de expansão. Aos poucos, eles foram penetrando nas fileiras da nobreza. Uma das principais famílias do reino, os Coligny, aliados dos Montmorency, forneceu-lhes seus recrutas mais ilustres em d & # 8217Andelot, o almirante Coligny e o cardeal Odet de Chatillon. Logo a rainha de Navarra, Jeanne d & # 8217Albret, filha de Margaret de Navarra, professou o calvinismo e o introduziu em seus domínios pela força. Seu marido, Antoine * de Bourbon, o primeiro príncipe do sangue, às vezes parecia ter passado para os huguenotes com seu irmão, o príncipe de Cond & eacute, que, por sua vez, nunca vacilou em sua lealdade à nova seita. Até mesmo o Parlamento de Paris, que tão enérgica travou a luta contra a heresia, deixou-se contaminar, muitos de seus membros abraçando a nova doutrina. Foi necessário lidar com severidade com esses muitos presos, Antoine * du Bourg entre outros. Mas neste ponto Henrique II morreu, deixando o trono para uma delicada criança de dezesseis anos. Nada poderia ter sido mais vantajoso para os huguenotes. Naquela época, eles formaram um grupo numeroso em quase todos os distritos da França. Certas províncias, como a Normandia, continham até 5.000 deles um dia 6.000 pessoas no Pr & eacute-aux-clercs, em Paris, cantaram os Salmos de Marot que os huguenotes haviam adotado Basse-Guyenne, dizia-se, tinha setenta seis igrejas organizadas. Dois anos depois, Bordeaux contou 7.000 dos Reformados Rouen, 10.000 menções são feitas a 20.000 em Toulouse, e o Príncipe de Cond & eacute apresentou uma lista de 2.050 igrejas & # 151 que, é verdade, não pode ser identificada. O núncio papal escreveu a Roma que o reino era mais da metade dos huguenotes, o que certamente era um exagero, pois o embaixador veneziano estimou o distrito contaminado com esse erro em nem um décimo da França; no entanto, é evidente que os huguenotes não podiam mais ser considerado como um punhado de indivíduos dispersos, cujo caso poderia ser resolvido de forma satisfatória por alguns processos judiciais. Organizados em igrejas unidas por sínodos, reforçados pelo apoio de grandes senhores dos quais alguns tiveram acesso aos conselhos da Coroa, os calvinistas daí em diante constituíram um poder político que exerceu sua atividade nos assuntos nacionais e teve uma história própria.

Após a ascensão de Francisco II, e pela influência dos Guises, que eram todo-poderosos com o rei e fortemente devotados ao catolicismo, os éditos contra os huguenotes tornaram-se ainda mais severos. Antoine * du Bourg foi queimado e um édito real (4 de setembro de 1559) ordenou que as casas em que se realizassem assembleias ilegais fossem arrasadas e os organizadores dessas assembleias punidos com a morte. Amargurados com essas medidas, os huguenotes aproveitaram-se de todas as causas de descontentamento apresentadas pelo governo dos Guises. Depois de se aconselharem com seus teólogos em Estrasburgo e Genebra, eles resolveram recorrer às armas. Formou-se uma conspiração, cujo verdadeiro líder era o Príncipe de Conde, embora sua organização tenha sido confiada ao Sieur de la Renaudi & eacute, um nobre de P & eacuterigord, que havia sido condenado por falsificação pelo Parlamento de Dijon, havia fugido para Genebra, e ali se tornou um calvinista fervoroso. Ele visitou Genebra e Inglaterra, e vasculhou as províncias da França para recrutar soldados e reuni-los sobre a Corte & # 151, pois o plano era capturar os Guises sem, como disseram os conspiradores, colocar as mãos na pessoa do rei & # 8217. Enquanto o Tribunal, a fim de desarmar a hostilidade huguenote, ordenava a seus agentes que desistissem dos processos e proclamava uma anistia geral da qual apenas pregadores e conspiradores eram excluídos, os Guises foram avisados ​​da trama que estava sendo planejada e, assim, permitiram sufocar a revolta em o sangue dos conspiradores que se reuniam em bandos em torno de Amboise, onde o rei estava hospedado (19 de março de 1560). O ressentimento gerado pela severidade desta repressão e a nomeação como chanceler de Michel de L & # 8217H & ocircpital, um magistrado de grande moderação, logo levou à adoção de conselhos menos violentos. O Édito de Romorantin (maio de 1560) amenizou a sorte dos protestantes , que teve como seus defensores antes da & # 8220Assembly of Notables & # 8221 (agosto de 1560) o Príncipe de Conde, o chanceler L & # 8217H & ocircpital e os Bispos de Valence e Vienne.

A ascensão de Carlos IX, um menor (dezembro de 1560), trouxe ao poder, como rainha regente, sua mãe Catharine de & # 8217 Medici. Isso foi uma sorte para os huguenotes. Quase indiferente às questões de doutrina, o ambicioso regente não fez nenhum escrúpulo em conceder qualquer grau de tolerância, desde que pudesse desfrutar de seu poder em paz. Ela permitiu que o Conde e o Coligny praticassem a religião reformada na corte, e até convocou para pregar ali Jean de Mouluc, bispo de Valence, um calvinista mal escondido por sua mitra. Ao mesmo tempo, ela ordenou ao Parlamento de Paris que suspendesse os processos e autorizou o culto aos huguenotes fora das cidades até que um conselho nacional se pronunciasse sobre o assunto. Um edital promulgado no mês de abril, embora proibisse as manifestações religiosas, punia em liberdade aqueles que haviam sido presos por motivos religiosos. Em vão o Parlamento de Paris tentou suspender a publicação deste edital que uma comissão judiciária composta por príncipes, altos funcionários da Coroa e membros do Conselho Real concedeu anistia aos huguenotes com a única condição de que no futuro vivessem como Católicos. Na esperança de conseguir uma reconciliação entre as duas religiões, Catharine reuniu prelados católicos e ministros huguenotes na Conferência de Poissy. Por este último, Thé eacuteodore de B & egraveze falou em nome do primeiro, o Cardeal de Lorena. Cada parte reivindicou a vitória. Em conclusão, o rei proibiu os huguenotes de manter propriedades eclesiásticas e os católicos de interferir no culto aos huguenotes. Em janeiro de 1562, os huguenotes foram autorizados a realizar suas assembléias fora das cidades, mas tiveram que restaurar todas as propriedades tiradas do clero e se abster de tumultos e reuniões ilegais. Este édito, entretanto, apenas exasperou as facções rivais em Paris, pois ocasionou distúrbios que obrigaram Catharine e a Corte a fugir. O duque de Guise, a caminho de Lorraine para reunir-se com a rainha, encontrou em Vassy, ​​em Champagne, cerca de seiscentos ou setecentos huguenotes realizando cultos religiosos (1 de março de 1562), o que, de acordo com o Édito de janeiro, eles não tinham o direito de fazer, Vassy sendo uma cidade fortificada. O canto deles logo interferiu na missa assistida pelo duque de Guise. Seguiram-se provocações mútuas, eclodiu uma briga e sangue foi derramado. Vinte e três huguenotes foram mortos e mais de cem feridos.

Em seguida, a pedido do Príncipe de Conde, começou a primeira das guerras civis chamadas de & # 8220 guerras da religião & # 8221. Os huguenotes levantaram-se, como disseram, para impor o respeito ao Édito de janeiro, que o duque de Guise estava pisoteando. Em todos os lugares, as animosidades mútuas se manifestam em atos de violência. Huguenotes foram massacrados em um lugar, monges e religiosos em outro. Onde quer que os insurgentes ganhassem o domínio, igrejas foram saqueadas, estátuas e cruzes mutiladas, utensílios sagrados profanados em burlescos sacrílegos e relíquias de santos lançadas nas chamas. Os encontros mais sérios aconteceram em Orl & eacuteans, onde o duque de Guise foi traiçoeiramente assassinado por um huguenote. O assassino Poltrot de M & eacuter & eacute declarou que havia sido instigado por B & egraveze e Coligny. Finalmente, embora Conde e Coligny não tenham se envergonhado de comprar o apoio da rainha Elizabeth da Inglaterra entregando-lhe Havre, a vitória permaneceu com os católicos. Peace was established by the Edict of Amboise (19 March, 1563), which left the Huguenots freedom of worship in one town out of each bailiwick (bailliage) and in the castles of lords who exercised the power of life and death (haute justice). Four years later there was another civil war which lasted six months and ended in the Peace of Longjumeau (23 March, 1568), re-establishing the Edict of Amboise. Five months later hostilities recommenced. Conde occupied La Rochelle, but he was killed at Jarnac, and Coligny, who succeeded to his command was defeated at Moncontour. Peace was made in the following year, and the Edict of Saint-Germain (8 April, 1570) granted the Huguenots freedom of worship wherever their worship had been carried on before the war, besides leaving in their hands the four following refuges — La Rochelle, Montauban, La Charite, and Cognac.

On his return to Court, Coligny found great favour with the king and laboured to win his support for the revolted Netherlands. The marriage of Henry, King of Navarre, with the king’s sister, Margaret of Valois, soon after this brought all the Huguenots lords to Paris. Catharine de’ Medici, jealous of Coligny’s influence with the king, and it may be in collusion with the Duke of Guise who had his father’s death to avenge on the admiral, plotted the death of the latter. But the attempt failed Coligny was only wounded. Catharine, fearing reprisals from the Huguenot’s, suddenly won over the king and his council to the idea of putting to death the Huguenot leaders assembled in Paris. Thus occurred the odious Massacre of St. Bartholomew, so called from the saint whose feast fell on the same day (24 August, 1572), Admiral Coligny being slain with many of his Huguenot followers. The massacre spread to many provincial towns. The number of victims is estimated at 2000 for the capital, and 6000 to 8000 for the rest of France. The king explained to foreign courts that Coligny and his partisans had organized a plot against his person and authority, and that he (the king) had merely suppressed it. Thus it was that Pope Gregory XIII at first believed in a conspiracy of the Huguenots, and, persuaded that the king had but defended himself against these heretics, held a service of thanksgiving for the repression of the conspiracy, and commemorated it by having a medal struck, which he sent with his felicitations to Charles IX. There is no proof that the Catholic clergy were in the slightest degree connected with the massacre. Cries of horror and malediction arose from the Huguenot ranks their writers made France and the countries beyond its borders echo with those cries by means of pamphlets in which, for the first time, they attacked theabsolute power, or even the very institution of royalty. After St. Bartholomew’s the Huguenots, though bereft of their leaders, rushed to arms. This was the fourth civil war, and centred about a few fortified towns, such as La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nîmes. The Edict of Boulogne (25 June, 1573) put an end to it, granting to all Huguenots amnesty for the past and liberty to worship in those three towns. It was felt that the rising power of the Huguenots was broken — that from this juncture forward they would never again be able to sustain a conflict except by allying themselves with political malcontents. They themselves wereconscious of this they gave themselves a political organization which facilitated the mobilization of all their forces. In their synods held from 1573 to 1588 they organized France into généralités, placing at the head of each a general, with a permanent council and periodical assemblies. The delegates of these généralités were to form the States General of the Union, which were to meet every three months. Special committees were created for the recruiting of the army, the management of the finances, and the administration of justice. Over the whole organization a “protector of the churches” was appointed, who was the chief of the party. Conde held this title from 1574 Henry of Navarre after 1576. It was, so to say, a permanently organized revolt. In 1574 hostilities recommenced the Huguenots and the malcontents joined forces against impotent royalty until they wrested from Henry, the successor of Charles IX (30 May, 1574), by the Edict of Beaulieu (May, 1576) the right of public worship for the religion, thenceforth officially called the prétendue reformée, throughout France, except at Paris and the Court. There were also to be established chambers composed of equal numbers of Catholics and Huguenots in eight Parliaments eight places de sureté were to be given to the Huguenots there was to be a disclaimer of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the families which had suffered from it were to be reinstated. These large concessions to the Huguenots and the approbation given to their political organization led to the formation of the League, which was organized by Catholics anxious to defend their religion. The States-General of Blois (December, 1576) declared itself against the Edict of Beaulieu. Thereupon the Protestants took up arms under the leadership of Henry of Navarre, who, escaping from the Court, had returned to the Calvinism which he had abjured at the time of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The advantage was on the Catholic side, thanks to some successes achieved by the Duke of Anjou, the king’s brother. The Peace of Bergerac, confirmed by the Edict of Poitiers (September, 1577), left the Huguenots the free exercise of their religion only in the suburbs of one town in each bailiwick (bailliage), and in those places where it had been practised before the outbreak of hostilities and which they occupied at the current date.

The national synods, which served to fill up the intervals between armed struggles, give us a glimpse into the forces at work in the interior life of the Huguenot party. The complaints made at their synods show clearly that the fervour of their early days had disappeared laxity and dissensions were finding their way into their ranks, and at times pastors and their flocks were at variance. It was necessary to forbid pastors to publish anything touching religious controversies or political affairs without the express approval of their conferences, and the consistories were asked (1581) to stem the ever-widening wave of dissolution which threatened their church. A Venetian ambassador writes at this period that the number of Huguenots had decreased by seventy per cent. But the death of the Duke of Anjou on 10 June, 1584, the sole surviving heir of the direct line of the Valois, revived their hopes, since the King of Navarre thus became heir presumptive to the throne. The prospect thus opened aroused the League it called upon Henry III to interdict Huguenot worship everywhere, and to declare the heretics incapable of holding any benefices or public offices — and consequently the King of Navarre incapable of succeeding to the throne. By the Convention of Nemours (7 July, 1585) the king accepted these conditions he revoked all previous edicts of pacification, ordered the ministers to leave the kingdom immediately and the other Huguenots within six months, unless they chose to be converted. This edict, it was said, sent more Huguenots to Mass than St. Bartholomew’s had, and resulted in the disappearance of all their churches north of the Loire it was therefore impossible for them to profit by the hostilities which broke out between the king and the Guises, and resulted in the assassination of the Guises at the States-General of Blois (23 December, 1588) and the death of Henry III at the siege of the revolted city of Paris (1 August, 1589). Henry of Navarre succeeded as Henry IV, after promising the Royalist Catholics who had joined him that he would seek guidance and instruction from a council to be held within six months, or sooner if possible, and that in the meantime he would maintain the exclusive practice of the Catholic religion in all those places where the Huguenot religion was not actually being practised. Circumstances prevented him from keeping his word. The League held Paris and the principal towns of France, and he was forced into a long struggle against it, in which he was enabled to secure victory only after his conversion to Catholicism (July, 1593), and, above all, after his reconciliation with the pope (September, 1595). The Huguenots had meanwhile been able to obtain from him only the measure of tolerance guaranteed by the Edict of Poitiers they had profited by this to reopen at Montauban (June, 1594) the synods which had been interrupted for eleven years. They soon completed their political organization in the Assemblies of Saumur and Loudun, they extended it to the whole of France and claimed to treat with the king as equal with equal, bargaining with him for their help against the Spaniards, refusing him their contingents at the siege of Amiens, withdrawing them in the midst of a campaign during the siege of La Fère. Thus they brought the king, who was besides anxious to end the civil war, to grant them the Edict of Nantes (April-May, 1598).
Under the Edict of Nantes

This edict, containing 93 public and 36 secret articles, provided in the first place that the Catholic religion should be re-established wherever it had been suppressed, together with all the property and rights previously enjoyed by the clergy. The Huguenots obtained the free exercise of their religious worship in all places where it actually existed, as also in two localities in every bailiwick (bailliage), in castles of lords possessing the right of life and death, and even in those of the ordinary nobles in which the number of the faithful did not exceed thirty. They were eligible for all public offices, for admission to colleges and academies, could hold synods and even political meetings they received 45,000 crowns annually for expenses of worship and support of schools they were given in the Parliament of Paris a tribunal in which their representatives constituted one-third of the members, while in those of Grenoble, Bordeaux, and Toulouse special chambers were created, half of whose members were Huguenot. One hundred places de sureté were ceded to them for eight years, and, while the king paid the garrison of these fortresses, he named the governors only with the assent of thechurches. If many of these provisions are nowadays recognized by common law, some on the other hand would seem incompatible with orderly government. This condition of benevolent and explicit tolerance was entirely new for the Huguenots. Many of them considered that too little had been yielded to them, while the Catholics thought that they had been given too much. Pope Clement VIII energetically complained of the edict to Cardinal d’Ossat, the king’s ambassador the French clergy protested against it and many of the parliaments refused for a long time to register it. Henry IV succeeded finally in imposing his will on all parties, and for some years the Edict of Nantes ensured the religious peace of France. The Huguenots, possessing at that time 773 churches, enjoyed during the reign of Henry IV the most perfect calm their happiness was marred only by the efforts of the Catholic clergy to make converts among them. Cardinal du Perron and many of the Jesuits, Capuchins, and other religious engaged in this work, and sometimes with great success. Upon the death of Henry IV (1610) there was at first no change in the situation of the Protestants. They did indeed raise numerous complaints in their assemblies of Saumur, Grenoble, La Rochelle, and Loudun, but in reality they had no grievances to allege except those due to popular intolerance with which the Government had nothing to do.Truth compels the less prejudiced among their historians to admit that the Huguenots, who complained so much of Catholic intolerance, were themselves just as intolerant wherever they happened to be the stronger. Not only did they retain the church property and the exclusive use of the churches, but, wherever possible (as at Béarn), they even opposed the enforcement of those clauses of the Edict of Nantes which were favourable to Catholics. They went so far as to prohibit Catholic worship in the towns that had been ceded to them. It was with the greatest difficulty that Sully, the minister of Henry IV and himself a Protestant, could obtain for Catholic priests permission to enter the hospitals of La Rochelle, when summoned to administer the sacraments, and authorization to bury, with never so little solemnity, their dead co-religionists. To this intolerance, which often explains the attitude of the Catholics, they added the imprudence of showing themselves ever ready to make common cause with the domestic enemies of the State, or with any lords who might be in revolt. In 1616, in Guyenne, Languedoc, and Piotou, they allied themselves with Rohan and Conde, who hadrisen against the queen regent, Marie de’ Medici. They again got restless when the king, conformably with the Edict of Nantes, re-established Catholicism at Béarn. An assembly, held at La Rochelle despite the king’s prohibition, divided the realm into eight military circles, and among other matters provided for plundering the king’srevenues and the goods of the Church. To deal with this condition of affairs the king was obliged to capture Saumur, Thouars, and other rebellious towns. He laid siege to Montauban, which city, defended by Rohan and La Force, repelled all his assaults. Lastly he invested Montpellier and had no better success nevertheless peace was signed there (October, 1622), according to which the Edict of Nantes was confirmed, political meetings were forbidden, and the cities which had been won from the Protestants remained in the king’s hands. Cardinal de Richelieu, when he became prime minister, entertained the idea of putting an end to the political power of the Huguenots while respecting their religious liberty. Rohan and Soubise, on the pretext that the Edict of Nantes had been violated, quickly effected an uprising of the South of France, and did not hesitate to make an alliance with England, as a result of which an English fleet of ninety vessels manned by 10,000 men endeavoured to effect a landing at La Rochelle (July, 1627). The king and Richelieu laid siege to this stronghold of the revolted Huguenots they drove off the English fleet, and even made its approach to the place impossible in future by means of a mole about 1640 yards long which they constructed. In spite of the fanatical heroism of the mayorGuiton and his co-religionists, La Rochelle was obliged to capitulate. Richelieu used his victory with moderation he left the inhabitants the free exercise of their religion, granted them a full amnesty, and restored all property to its owners. Rohan, pursued by Conde and Epernon, kept up the war, not disdaining to accept succour from Spain, but he was at last obliged to sign the Peace of Alais, by which the Edict of Nantes was renewed, an amnesty promised, the cities taken from the Huguenots, and the religious wars brought to an end (June, 1629). Subsequently Protestantism disappeared from the stage of politics, content to enjoy in peace the advantages of a religious character which were still accorded to it. The strife was transferred to the field of controversy. Public lectures, polemical and erudite writings, were multiplied, and preachers and professors of theology — such as Chamier, Amyraut, Rivet, Basnage, Blondel, Daillé, Bochart — demonstrated their industry, learning, and courage. The Church in France, more and more affected by the beneficent influence of the Council of Trent, opposed them with vigorous and learned controversialists, with prudent and zealous preachers, such as Sirmond, Labbe, Coton, St. Francis de Sales, Cospéan, Lejeune, Sénault, Tenouillet, Coeffeteau, de Bérulle, Condren, whose success was manifested in numerous conversions. These conversions took place especially in the higher circles of society the great lords abandoned Calvinism, which retained its influence only among the middle classes. Excluded from the public service, the Huguenots became manufacturers, merchants, and farmers the number of their churches decreased to 630 their religious activity lessened between 1631 and 1659 they held only four synods. Without being sympathetic towards them, the public authorities respected the religious liberty guaranteed by the Edict of Nantes. Richelieu judged that the scope of that edict should not be widened, nor should the liberties there granted be curtailed, and even Protestant historians pay tribute to his moderation. Louis XIV being a minor at his accession, his mother, Anne of Austria, began her regency by promising to the Protestants the enjoyment of their liberties. Mazarin abstained from disturbing them. “If the little flock”, he said, “feeds on evil weeds, it does not wander away” (Si le petit troupeau broute de mauvaises herbes, il ne s’écarte pas). It is indeed true that some of the feudal lords, the Duc de Bouillon among others, when they gave up Calvinism, caused the temples within their jurisdictions to be closed but the Edict of Nantes permitted this, and the Government had neither the right nor the inclination to prevent it. In 1648, when Alsace with the exception of Strasburg was reunited with France, liberty of public worship was maintained for all the new subjects who were of the Augsburg Confession. In 1649 the Royal Council, dealing with certain complaints of the Huguenots, declared that those of the “pseudo-reformed” (prétendue réformée) religion should not be disturbed in the practice of their worship, and ordered the reopening of some of their temples which had been closed. Thus the Protestant minister Jurieu could write that the years between the Rising of the Fronde and the Peace of the Pyrenees were among the happiest within the memory of his creed.

In proportion as Louis XIV got the reins of government into his own hands, the position of the Huguenots became increasingly unfavourable. After 1660 they were forbidden to hold national synods. At that time they counted 623 churches served by 723 pastors, who ministered to about 1,200,000 members. A commission, established in 1661 to inquire into the titles on which their places of worship were held, brought about the demolition of more than 100 churches, for which no warrant could be found in the provisions of the Edict of Nantes. A royal order of 1663 deprived relapsed persons — i.e. those who had returned to Protestantism after having abjured it — of the benefit of the Edict of Nantes, and condemned them to perpetual banishment. A year later, it is true, this order was suspended, and proceedings under it were arrested. Then, by another ordinance, parish priests were authorized to present themselves with a magistrate at the domicile of any sick person and to ask whether such person wished to die in heresy or to be converted to the true religion the children of Protestants were declared competent to embrace Catholicism at the age of seven, their parents being obliged to make an allowance for their separate support conformably with their station in life. The Protestants soon saw themselves excluded from public office the chambers in which the parties were equally represented were suppressed, Huguenot preaching was restrained and emigration was forbidden under pain of confiscation of property.

These measures and others of less importance were taken chiefly in response to demands made by the Assemblies of the Clergy or by public opinion. Their efficacy was augmented by the controversial works, those of Bosseut, “Exposition de la doctrine catholique”, “Avertissement aux Protestants”, “Histoire des variations des Eglises protestantes”, being conspicuously brilliant, to which the ministers — Claude, Jurieu, Pajon — replied but feebly. Meanwhile the commissioners (intendants) were working with all their might to bring about conversions of Protestants, to which end some of them made as much use of dragoons as they did missionaries, so that their system of making converts by force rather than by conviction came to be branded with the name of dragonnade.
From the revocation of the Edict of Nantes to the Revolution

Trusting in the number and sincerity of these conversions, Louis XIV thought it no longer necessary to observe half measures with the Huguenots, and consequently revoked the Edict of Nantes on 18 October, 1685. Thenceforward the exercise of public worship was forbidden to the Protestants their churches were to be demolished they were prohibited from assembling for the practice of their religion in private houses. Protestant ministers who would not be converted were ordered to leave the kingdom within fifteen days. Parents were forbidden to instruct their children in Protestantism, and ordered to have them baptized by priests and sent to Catholic schools. Four months’ grace was granted the fugitive Protestants to return to France and recover their property after the lapse of this period the said property would be definitively confiscated. Emigration was forbidden for men under pain of the galleys, and for women under pain of imprisonment. Subject to these conditions Protestants might live within the realm, carry on commerce, and enjoy their property without being molested on account of their religion. This measure, which was regrettable from many points of view, evoked in France unanimous applause from Catholics of all classes. With the exception of Vauban and Saint-Simon, all the great men of that period highly approved of the revocation. This attitude is explained by the ideas of the time. Tolerance was almost unknown in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and, in those countries where they had the ascendancy, the Protestants had been long inflicting upon Catholics a treatment harder than they themselves underwent in France. At Geneva and in Holland Catholic worship was absolutely forbidden in Germany, after the Peace of Augsburg, all subjects were bound to take the religion of their prince, in accordance with the adage: Cujus regio ejus religio. England, which even forced those who dissented from the Established Church to seek religious liberty in America, treated Catholics more harshly than did Turkey all priests were banished from the country should one of them return and be caught in the exercise of his functions, he was condemned to death a heavy tribute was imposed upon Papists, as though they were slaves.

The Revocation did not produce the effect intended by its author. Scarcely had it been published when, in spite of all prohibitions, a mighty movement of emigration developed in the provinces adjacent to the frontiers.Vauban had to write that the “Revocation brought about the desertion of 100,000 Frenchmen, the exportation of 60,000,000 livres ($12,000,000), the ruin of commerce enemies’ fleets were reinforced by 9000 sailors, the best in thekingdom, and foreign armies by 600 officers and 1200 men, more inured to war than their own.” Those who remained took advantage of the last article of the Revocation to dispense with attendance at church and the reception of the sacraments at the hour of death. The king in his embarrassment consulted the bishops and the intendants, and their replies inclined him to relax the execution of the edict of revocation somewhat, without changing anything in its letter. On the other hand, a few preachers remained in spite of the Revocation, and clandestinely organized their worship in the fields and in remote places, or, as the Protestant historians express it, “in the desert”. Of this number were Brousson, Corteiz, and Regnart. In the Vivarais the management of the churches passed into the hands of the illuminés — fanatical preachers, peasants, and young girls — who stirred up the population with prophesies of the approaching triumph of their cause. Three armies and three marshals of France had to march against these insurgents (the Camisards), who were reduced to order only after a struggle of five or six years’ duration (1702-1708).

From that time the churches lived only as secret associations, without religious worship and without regular gatherings. The ministers were hunted into hiding, those who were caught being mercilessly put to death. Still, some of them were not afraid to risk their lives the best known of these, Antoine* Court (1696-1760), spent nearly twenty years in this secret labour, travelling through the South, and distributing propagandist or polemical tracts, holding numerous meetings “in thedesert”, and even organizing semblances of provincial synods in 1715, and national synods in 1726. Retiring to Lausanne in 1729, he founded there a seminary for the education of pastors for the Protestant ministry in France. This condition of official persecution and hidden vitality lasted until after the middle of the eighteenth century. The authorities continued to hang ministers and destroy churches until 1762 but ideas of toleration had for some time been gradually finding their way into the mind of the nation prosecutions for religious offences became unpopular, especially after the Calas affair. A Protestant of that name at Toulouse was charged with having killed one of his sons to prevent his becoming a Catholic. Arrested and condemned on this charge by the Parliament of Toulouse (9 March, 1762), he was executed at the age of sixty-eight after a trial which created great excitement. His widow and children demanded justice. Voltaire took up their cause and succeeded by his writings in arousing the public opinion of France and of Europe against the Parliament of Toulouse. The Supreme Council (Grand Conseil) unanimously reversed the judgment of the Parliament, and another tribunal rehabilitated the memory of Calas. The Protestants derived great benefit from the trend of public feeling resulting from this rehabilitation. Without any legislative change as yet, the modification of public opinion incessantly tended to the improvement of their lot, and the Government treated them with a tacittoleration. At last, in 1787, a decided amelioration of their condition came with the Edict of Toleration, which granted to non-Catholics the right to practise a profession or handicraft without molestation, permission to be legally married before magistrates, and to have births officially recorded. In practice these liberties went even farther, and churches were openly organized. Two years later complete liberty and access to all employments were recognized as belonging to them, no less than to other citizens, by the “Declaration of theRights of Man “, voted by the Constituent Assembly (August, 1789). This legislative body, which for a short period (March, 1790) was presided over by the Protestant pastor Rabaud, went so far as to order that the property of those who had emigrated under the Revocation should be restored to their descendants, who might even recover their rights as French citizens on condition that they took up their residence in France. Protestants had to suffer, like Catholics, though infinitely less, from the sectarian and anti-religious spirit of the Revolution churches vanished during the Reign of Terror religious worship could not be reorganized until about the year 1800.
From the Revolution to the separation (1801-1905)

When order was restored the Huguenots were included in the measures initiated by Napoleon for pacifying the nation. They received from him an entirely new organization. At this time there were in France about 430,000 Réformés. By the law of 18 Germinal, Year X (7 April, 1802), there was to be a consistorial church for every 6000 believers, and five consistorial churches were to form a synod. The consistory of each church was to be composed of a pastor and the leading elders. They were entrusted with the maintenance of discipline, the administration of property, and the election of pastors, whose names had, however, to be submitted for the approval of the head of the State. Each synod was composed of a pastor and an elder from each of the churches, and had to superintend public worship and religious instruction. It could assemble only with the consent of the Government under the presidency of the prefect or the sub-prefect, and for not longer than six days. Its enactments had to be submitted for approval to the head of the State. There was no national synod. The churches of the Augsburg Confession, chiefly in Alsace, had, instead of synods, boards of inspection subordinate to three general consistories. Salaries were guaranteed to the pastors, who were exempt from military service. The old seminary of Lausanne was transferred to Geneva, at that time a French city, and then to Montauban (1809) and annexed to the university as a faculty of theology. For the churches of the Augsburg Confession, two seminaries or faculties were to be erected in the east of France. Politically, Protestantism had no further modifications to undergo, whatever changes of government there might be. In the early days of the Restoration its members had, indeed, a certain amount of rough usage to suffer in some of the cities of the south, but this was the work of local animosity or of personal vengeance, and the publicauthorities had no part in it. The churches laboured to adapt themselves as well as possible to the system of organization that had been imposed on them.

In 1806, after Napoleon’s conquests, there were 76 consistories with 171 pastors. The religious life of their churches was very languid indifference reigned everywhere. At Paris, the pastor Boistard complained that out of 10,000 Protestants hardly fifty or a hundred attended worship regularly — two or three hundred at most during the fine season. The pastors, hastily prepared for their work at Geneva, brought back generally with them rationalistic tendencies they were content to fulfil the routine duties of their profession. Their preaching dwelt upon the commonplaces of morality or of natural religion. Two tendencies in regard to dogma were beginning to reveal themselves. One of these was represented by Daniel Encoutre, dean of the theological faculty at Montauban, and was directed towards rigid orthodoxy, based firmly on dogmas and confessions the other was championed especially by Samuel Vincent, one of the most respected pastors of the time, and put religious feeling above doctrine and morality, Christianity being according to this view a life rather than an aggregate of facts and revealed truths. The movement known as the Réveil (Awakening) helped to accentuate this divergence. The men who constituted themselves its propagators in France during the first years of the Restoration were disciples of Wesley. They insisted, in their sermons, on the absolute powerlessness of man to save himself by his own efforts, upon justification by faith alone, upon individual conversion, and were animated by a zeal for the saving of souls and the preaching of the Gospel which contrasted strangely with the indolence of the official Protestant pastors. The Réveil was ill received by the two sections into which French Protestantism was beginning to divide. The orthodox, while accepting its doctrines, did not sympathize with its efforts at a renewal of the spiritual life, of renunciation and sacrifice, and of zeal for saving souls. This they plainly showed at Lyons where they effected the removal of the pastor Adolphe Monod, who had wished to introduce Réveil practices. For the representatives of the liberal tendencies, the preaching of the Réveil was nothing but a collection of superannuated doctrines, in opposition alike to what they called the spirit of the Gospel and to the ideas and aspirations of modern society.

These three tendencies grew farther apart from day to day. The friends of Réveil, sometimes called Methodists, severed their connection with the Reformed Churches of France, and organized in 1830 in the Rue Taitbout, Paris, a free Church of which Edmond de Pressense soon became the most noted leader. In their profession of faith and their disciplinary regulations they emphasized the individual character of faith, the Church’s independence of the State, and the duty of maintaining a propaganda. Some of them, with the periodical “L’Esperance” for their organ, refused to break with the National Church. The Liberals, who were at first called Latitudinarians or Rationalists, repudiated the earlier confessions of faith, predestination by absolute decree and illumination by irresistible grace, and the whole body of their doctrine — according to M. Nicolas, one of their number — consisted in “avoiding Calvinistic and Rationalistic exaggerations”. A synod held in 1848, consisting of fifty-two ministers and thirty-eight elders, increased the existing divisions. The Liberals obtained the presidency, and, in deference to their wishes, the question of confessions of faith was set aside by an almost unanimous vote, the synod contenting itself with drawing up an address in which the majority set forth the principles common to French Protestants, namely, respect for the Bible and the liturgies, and faith in historical and supernatural Christianity. But as the assembly refused to re-establish a clear and positive profession of faith, the pastors Frederic Monod, Amal, and Cambon left the official Church, and issued an appeal to all the independent churches which had been formed by the labours of isolated evangelists. In 1849 they held a synod, in which thirteen of these already formed churches and eighteen which were in process of formation were represented, voted a profession of faith, and established the “Union of the Free Evangelical Churches of France” (Union des eglises évangéliques libres de France).

All these divisions made a civil reorganization of the churches desirable it was effected by a decree of Louis Napoleon, who was then President of the Republic. This decree reconstituted the parishes, placing them under a presbyterial council of pastors and elders. At the head of the hierarchy so constituted was a central council, the members of which were appointed by the Government its function was merely to represent the churches in their relations with the head of the State, without possessing any religious or disciplinary authority. The Lutheran churches were placed under the authority of the Superior Consistory and of a Directory. The only subsequent modification in the status of these churches resulted from the Prussian annexation, after the War of 1870, of the Alsatian territories, where there were a great many Protestants the Lutheran churches by this event lost two-thirds of their membership, and their faculty of theology had to be transferred from Strasburg to Paris, where it augmented the strength of the Liberal section. The gulf between the two parties still continued to widen. The Orthodox vainly endeavoured, by abandoning the formulae of the old theology, and by rejecting all but the great facts and essential doctrines of Christianity, to maintain their position the Liberals, following the lead of the “Revuede Strasbourg”, displayed an ever greater readiness to welcome the most radical conclusions ofGerman rationalistic criticism, particularly those of the Tübingen School. The authority of Holy Scripture, the Divinity of Christ, the idea of the Redemption, of miracles, of the supernatural, were successively abandoned. M. Pécaut, a representative of this tendency, even wrote in 1859 a book (Le Christ et la conscience) in which he called in question the moral perfection and holiness of Christ. Others — and among them pastors such as Athanase Coquerel the Younger, Albert Réville, and Paschoud — did not conceal their sympathy for Renan’s “Vie de Jésus”. The two last named of these, indeed, were deprived of theirchurches by the council they of course asserted in defence of their ideas — as, for that matter, did all the Liberals — that they had only used the right of free inquiry — the right which constitutes the whole of Protestantism, since the Reformation was based on the right of every man to interpret the Scriptures according to his own lights. Their opponents replied that, if this were so, the Church was impossible that a common worship presupposes common beliefs. This question brought on many lively discussions between the representatives of the two tendencies in the Press, at the conferences, and in theelections for the presbyterial councils. To restore peace, a general synod had to be convoked with the consent of the Government in June, 1872. Here the orthodox had a majority a profession of faith was carried by sixty-one votes to forty-five, and subscription to it was made obligatory upon all the young pastors. This decision became an insurmountable barrier between the two parties. The Liberals, not content with repudiating the notion of any obligatory confession of faith, refused, so long as it was maintained, to take any part in the synod of 1872, and have also abstained from participating in any of the general synods, which have been held about every three years since 1879, at Paris, Nantes, Sedan, Auduze and elsewhere, and from which the orthodox party have taken the name of “the Synodal Church”. For all that, the Liberals had no intention of breaking with the organization recognized by the State. Numerous attempts have been made in the last thirty years, to bring about an understanding between the two parties, but have not succeeded in establishing doctrinal unity. The Separation seems calculated rather to increase the divisions, and already a third party has been formed by the fusion at Jarnac (1 October, 1906) of 65 Liberal churches and 40 Synodal under the name of the “Union des Eglises Reformées”.

Divided among themselves on doctrinal questions, the Protestants have by no means lost their solidarity in regard to external activities. The movement of spiritual renovation which followed the Napoleonic wars produced among them various propagandist, educational, and benevolent enterprises, such as the “Societe biblique” (1819), the “Societe des traites religieux” (1861), the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris” (1824), theSociety for the Promotion of Primary Instruction among Protestants (1829), the Institution of Deaconesses (1841), the agricultural colony of Sainte-Toy (1842), and divers orphanages, homes for neglected children, and primary schools. Of these last, the greater number (about 2000) have been closed since 1882. The missionary activity of the French Protestants has been chiefly exerted through the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris”, at Bassoutos (South Africa), where they count at the present time 15,000 adherents, with schools and a printing press in Madagascar, where a large number of schools are dependent on them (117 schools, according to statistics for 1908, with 7500 pupils) in Senegal, in French Congo, in Zambesi, Tahiti, and New Caledonia. Some sixty missionaries are at work on these missions, and in late years they have received an annual grant amounting to about 320,000 dollars. At home their propaganda is carried on chiefly among the Catholic population by the “Societe centrale protestante d’evangelisation”, with a budget of 90,000 dollars per annum by the “Societe évangéliquede France”, which in some years has received as much as 24,000 dollars by the “Mission populaire évangélique” (MacAll) without, however, any appreciable success.

Journalistic enterprise has not been overlooked. The first Protestant periodical, the “Archives du christianisme”, was founded in 1818 then came the “Annales protestantes” in 1820, the “Mélanges de la religion” in the same year, “Revue protestante” and the “Lien” in 1841, the “Evangéliste” in 1837, the “Espérance” in 1838, the “Revuede Strasbourg” in 1859, the “Revue théologique”, the “Protestant”, the “Vie Nouvelle”, the “Revue chrétienne”, and the “Signal”, a political journal. Only the best-knownperiodicals are mentioned here most of them have disappeared many are, or have been, the organs of particular sections of the Protestants. There must still be, according to the “Agenda, annuaire protestant”, more than 150 in existence, but the majority have only a restricted circulation, and, excepting the “Bulletin historique et littéraire de la société de l’histoire du protestantisme français” (1852), are practically without readers outside of the Protestant world.

At present Protestantism counts about 650,000 adherents in France — 560,000 Réformés, 80,000 Lutherans, and 10,000 independents — that is a little less than one-sixtieth of the population. This seemingly negligible minority has, as everyone admits, made for itself in politics and in the executive government a place out of all proportion to its numerical strength. From areligious point of view Protestantism shows no indications of progress its doctrines are daily losing ground, above all in educated circles. There, as recently declared by M. Edmond Stapfer, dean of the faculty of Protestant theology at Paris, in the “Revue Chrétienne”, “people no longer want most of the traditional beliefs they no longer want the dogmatic system, used by the Reformers and the Réveil, in which many ‘evangelical’ pastors still believe, or by their silence leave the faithful to conclude that they still believe . . . . The intellectuals will have no more of these antiquities, they do not go to hear the pastors preach they are agnostics they respectfully salute the ancient beliefs, but they get on without them, and have no need of them either for their intellectual or their moral life.” Indeed it does not appear that the practice of religion has any more vitality among the masses than faith has among the intellectuals. Official reports made to the synods testify that “the number of mixed marriages is increasing, which proves that faith is diminishing. . . . In certain districts the number is sometimes as many as 95 per cent even in the very Protestant districts, we know of 25 per cent in one place and 20 per cent in others, and as high as 50 per cent of unions of this kind.” As for attendance at publicworship: “Here”, says one report made to the General Synod of Bordeaux (1899), “are the figures for a section of the country which must be classed among the best, that of the Pyrenees. The average of attendance is 32 per cent. It does not go so high everywhere in Paris, for example, it reaches only 11 per cent, and in some churches of Poitou we must go still lower . . . to averages of 5 per cent. The same difference is found in the number of communicants: here it is 12 per cent there, 4 or even 3 per cent.” These are results which would doubtless have astonished and scandalized Calvin, but which are sufficiently explained by the theory of free inquiry and the intimate history of French Protestantism, especially during the last century.


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Comentários:

  1. Stetson

    Peço desculpas, mas, na minha opinião, você não está certo. Estou garantido. Vamos discutir isso. Escreva para mim em PM, vamos nos comunicar.

  2. Julmaran

    Você não está certo. Vamos discutir. Escreva para mim em PM.

  3. Yozshusida

    Contanto que tudo esteja bom.

  4. Adalhard

    Excelente frase e é devidamente



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